See the Video ! Know Some noted Anti Nationalists of India roaming freely democratic country like India

See the Video ! Know Some noted Anti Nationalists of India  roaming freely democratic country like India

BEWARE OF KEJRIWAL, Sonia and different company

The CIA-Ford-NGO-Congress-NAC-AAP nexus

Part 1

James Petras, retired Bartle Professor (Emeritus) of Sociology at Binghamton University in Binghamton, New York, and adjunct professor at Saint Mary’s University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada, wrote a damning article on 18 September 2002, exposing the Ford Foundation’s sinister choice of beneficiaries of its donations. He accused the CIA of using “philanthropic foundations as the most effective conduit to channel large sums of money to Agency projects without alerting the recipients to their source”.

Beginning the 1950s, “50 per cent of the 700 grants in the field of international activities by the principal foundations were funded by the CIA,” he wrote, citing a US Congressional investigation in 1976 that said the CIA considered foundations such as Ford “the best and most plausible kind of funding cover”. This article will go beyond the professor’s findings that showed that the Ford Foundation-CIA connection was a deliberate, conscious joint effort to strengthen U.S. imperial cultural hegemony and to undermine left-wing political and cultural influence.

Frances Stonor Saunders wrote in his book, The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters, 2001, “At times it seemed as if the Ford Foundation was simply an extension of government in the area of international cultural propaganda. The Ford Foundation had a record of close involvement in covert actions in Europe, working closely with Marshall Plan and CIA officials on specific projects.”


That should keep India safe because the US claims to further the cause of democracy while India is the largest democracy, right? Wrong. The Americans often follow an Indira Gandhi-like policy: Romancing with nefarious elements till they serve as Pentagon’s puppets. A deep probe into the cia-on-campus.org site reveals that the Ford Foundation has dirty pro-Islamic businesses it would rather be silent on. There have been a number of reports by journalists about it funding anti-Israel NGOs. It is also worth noting that Henry Ford created the Ford Foundation while he was involved in and impressed by Nazi Germany, two years before he received his award. Remember, Ford also had a factory in Imperial Japan and, for some unexplained reason in March 1945, Japan sent orders for a pro-Independance committee to be formed in Indonesia.

Former Ford Foundation President Richard Bisell acknowledged that the purpose of the Ford Foundation was not “so much to defeat the leftist intellectuals in dialectical combat as to lure them away from their positions”. In other words, you make them work in “harmless” activities, and not in those that may eventually pose a threat to the interests of the US Administration.

Almost exactly 50 years ago, reports writer and documentary filmmaker G Edward Griffin, an unusual meeting took place between one Roland Gaither, then President of the enormously wealthy Ford Foundation, and a Norman Dodd, then chief investigator for the Congressional Committee to Investigate Tax Exempt Foundations. Gaither asks Dodd, “Would you be interested in knowing what we do here at the Ford Foundation?” Dodd replies, “Yes! That’s exactly why I am here. I would be very interested, sir.” Gaither tells him, “Mr Dodd, we operate in response to directives, the substance of which is that we shall use our grant making power to alter life in the United States so that it can be comfortably merged with the Soviet Union.” When he recovers from his shock, Dodd asks whether Gaither believes he doesn’t have an obligation to disclose this aim of one of the wealthiest tax-exempt foundations in the country to the American people. Gaither replies, “We would never dream of doing such a thing.” So, even the American citizenry is not supposed to know what the Ford Foundation is up to!

I have also dug out from the archives of The New York Times a report that speaks of the Ford Foundation’s links with the CIA [ref: accompanying image of a NYT clipping].

Next, Naomi Klein’s The Shock Doctrine (Penguin, 2008) speaks of the Ford Foundation’s involvement in the “Southern Cone” (South Americas) and Indonesia. It is an account of intellectual sponsorship of fascist intellectuals such as those following Milton Friedman’s Chicago School of Economics, embarrassment of the aftermath, followed by sponsorship of human rights organisations.

The Congressional report spoken of above names some of the Ford Foundation’s projects that looked innocuous but had American soft imperialism as its motive:
• Establishment of a publishing house, Inter-cultural Publications, and the publication of a magazine Perspectives in Europe in four languages.
• Setting up journal Der Monat funded by the Confidential Fund of the US military and run by Melvin Lasky.
• Funding CIA-organised Congress for Cultural Freedom (donation: $7 million in the early 1960s).
• Proliferation of a number of journals and access to the mass media which pro-US intellectuals used to launch vituperative polemics against Marxists and other anti-imperialists. The FF funding of these anti-Marxists organisations and intellectuals provided a legal cover for their claims of being “independent” of government funding (CIA).

Other authoritative sources reveal a different set of sinister activities of the Ford Foundation:
• In 1968, the Ford Foundation began disbursing US$12 million to persuade law schools to make “law school clinics” part of their curriculum. Clinics were intended to give practical experience in law practice while providing pro bono representation to the poor. Many, however, charge that the clinics have been used instead by professors to engage in political activism. Critics cite the financial involvement of the Ford Foundation as the turning point when these clinics began to change from giving practical experience to engaging in advocacy [“Clinical, Cynical” by Heather MacDonald in the Wall Street Journal, 2006, p A14].
• In 1994, Christina Hoff Sommers in her book, Who Stole Feminism? How Women Have Betrayed Women, alleged that the Ford Foundation funded “gender feminism”, an ideology that abandoned the feminist quest for equity in favour of a gender war against men. Similar claims were made by the Spanish judge Francisco Serrano Castro in his 2012 book, La Dictadura de Género (The Dictatorship of Gender).
• Joan Roelofs, in Foundations and Public Policy: The Mask of Pluralism (State University of New York Press, 2003), wrote that Ford and similar foundations played a key role in co-opting opposition movements. “While dissent from ruling class ideas is labeled ‘extremism’ and is isolated, individual dissenters may be welcomed and transformed. Indeed, ruling class hegemony is more durable if it is not rigid and narrow, but is able dynamically to incorporate emergent trends”. She reports that McCloy, while chairman of the Ford Foundation’s board of trustees from 1958 to 1965, “thought of the Ford Foundation as a quasi-extension of the U.S. government. It was his habit, for instance, to drop by the National Security Council (NSC) in Washington every couple of months and casually ask whether there were any overseas projects the NSC would like to see funded.” Roelofs also charges that the Ford Foundation financed counter-insurgency programmes in Indonesia and other countries.
• In 2003, the Ford Foundation was critiqued by American news service Jewish Telegraphic Agency, among others, for supporting Palestinian NGOs that were accused of promoting anti-Semitism at the 2001 World Conference Against Racism. Under pressure by several members of Congress, chief among them Rep Jerrold Nadler, the Ford Foundation apologised and then prohibited the promotion of “violence, terrorism, bigotry or the destruction of any state” among its grantees. This move itself sparked protest among university provosts and various non-profit groups on free speech issues.
• In 2005, Michigan Attorney General Mike Cox began a probe of the Ford Foundation that ultimately backfired. Though the Ford Foundation is headquartered in New York City, it is chartered in Michigan, giving that state some jurisdiction. Cox focused on its governance, potential conflicts of interest among board members, and what he viewed as its poor record of giving to charities in Michigan. Between 1998 and 2002, the Ford Foundation gave Michigan charities about $2.5 million per year, far less than many other charities its size. The Ford Foundation countered that an extensive review and report by the Gaither Study Committee in 1949 had recommended that the Ford Foundation broaden its scope beyond Michigan to national and international grant-making. The report was endorsed by the Ford Foundation’s board of trustees, and they subsequently voted to move the Ford Foundation to New York City in 1953.
• The Ford Foundation’s partnership with the New Israel Fund, which began in 2003, was frequently criticised regarding its choice of mostly liberal grantees and causes. This criticism came to light after the 2001 Durban Conference, where some nongovernmental organizations funded by the Ford Foundation backed resolutions equating Israeli policies as apartheid, and later, against those groups which support the delegitimization of Israel. In response, the Ford Foundation adopted stricter criteria for funding.
In the new millennium, Petras says, the Ford Foundation has turned “more flexible in providing small grants to human rights groups and academic researchers who occasionally dissent from US policy. They are not as likely to recruit CIA operatives to head the organisation. More significantly, they are likely to collaborate more openly with the US government in its cultural and educational projects, particularly with the Agency of International Development.”

Part 2

In my reports ‘AAP part of international anti-India racket’ part 1 and part 2’ pasted after this section, I have revealed the Ford Foundation connection of the following Indian NGOs:

• Sampoorn Parivartan (later christened Parivartan) of Arvind Kejriwal and Kabir of both Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia.
• ICSSR of Jawaharlal Nehru University that funded Yogendra Yadav.
• PRADAN of Meera Sanyal.

There are other Leftist noise makers who are beneficiaries of the Ford Foundation:
• Mallika Sarabhai’s NGO Darpana.
• Amartya Sen for his book, The Idea of Justice.
• Teesta Setalvad and Javed Anand’s Sabrang Communication.

These names have also been mentioned by R Vaidyanathan of the Indian Institute of Management, Bengaluru, in his investigative article ‘Is India safe: What is Ford Foundation?’

While the first four dramatis personae are members as well as election candidates of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), the next four are sympathisers of the party. Sarabhai had actually got into the party but was then repelled by the only apparent right winger in the fold, Kumar Vishwas.

Activists in Gujarat allege that Sarabhai runs an ‘empire of trusts’ in the State, and whenever activists and reformists demand that the State must switch from income tax gradually to wealth tax, she is among the foremost to oppose the proposal. Ambalal Sarabhai was given licenses by the British Empire to run textile industries. His granddaughter Mallika Sarabhai is a trustee in several trusts that own miles and miles of plots of land across Ahmedabad. Her land holdings are official and known to the Government, but the data are not made public as details of a trust’s wealth are permitted to stay confidential by law. She fears a new Government promising systemic changes may change this law and make her look super rich, rather awkwardly. She runs NGOs that used to supply goods to various Government departments at premium prices. The reason that turned her against Chief Minister Narendra Modi is his policy to have variety in vendors from whom the Government buys goods required by the State, alleged Sarabhai’s former colleagues under the condition of anonymity.

The book, Toward Sustainable Development: Struggling Over India’s Narmada River, edited by William F Fisher, shows special interest of these American outfits in Medha Patkar’s Narmada Bachao Andolan: Ford Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation, Indo-US Sub-Commission on Education and Culture and the US Department of Education. Patkar is also the AAP’s Lok Sabha candidate from Mumbai northeast.

“If you have so much of evidence, then why don’t you complain to the Government?” my detractors often ask. Complain to which Government, the one that grants Sisodia permission to receive foreign funds in 2005, before his NGO is registered in 2007!

There is another reason to suspect a CIA-Indian National Congress nexus. On December 3, 2013, The Economic Times reported that the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) had contracted MongoDB — an American open source, cross-platform, document-oriented, database system start-up — in an unspecified database management capacity. MongoDB is partially funded by the not-for-profit venture capital firm of the CIA called In-Q-Tel (IQT). In-Q-Tel works with National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, Defence Intelligence Agency and Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Directorate, too. Making the deal more suspicious, neither UIDAI nor MongoDB or UIDAI Chairman Nandan Nilekani responded to queries from ET on whether the CIA link was considered before entering into a partnership.

Out of the declared beneficiaries of the Ford Foundation (copied from its website), one would note that almost all NGOs have some Government, National Advisory Council (NAC) or AAP connection:

To promote ‘transparent, effective and accountable Government’
For research and public policy analysis:
• Centre for Budget and Governance Accountability (CBGA) — $325,000
• Samarthan Centre for Development Support (SCDS) — $150,000
• Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) — $200,000
• Prayas — $350,000
• Centre for Policy Research (CPR) — $200,000

For programme exploration:
• Praja Foundation

To strengthen ‘human rights worldwide’
For research and public policy analysis:
• SAATH Charitable Trust – $200,000
• Vigyan Foundation – $200,000
• Natural Justice – $250,000
• National Academy of Legal Studies and Research University – $330,000
• Rural Development Institute – $315,000
• Centre for Economic and Social Studies – $200,000

For capacity building and technical assistance:
• IDEAL: Institute for Development Education and Learning: $270,000
• South Asians for Human Rights (SAHR): $200,000

For advocacy, litigation and reform:
• Lawyers Collective: $1240000

‘Expanding livelihood opportunities for poor households’
For programme exploration:
• Centre for Collective Development (CCD): $300,000
• Madhyam Foundation: $250,000
• Neeti Solutions Private Limited: $250,000
• Action for Social Advancement (ASA): $550,000

Programme demonstration and scaling:
• Friends of WWB – India (FWWB): $500,000
• Access Livelihoods Consulting India Pvt Ltd – $190275
• Sarba Shanti Ayog (SSA) – $250000
• Rabobank Foundation – $690000

Advocacy, litigation and reform:
• Trickle Up Program, Inc – $350000
• Professional Assistance for Development Action – $590021
• Xavier Institute of Management – $500000
• United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) – $370000
• Institute for Financial Management and Research – $250000
• The Livelihood School – $350000

Research and public policy analysis:
• Foundation-Administered Project (FAP) – $342000

“Expanding community rights over natural resources” (this agenda figured prominently in the first policy meeting of the AAP held in the house of Shalini Gupta, Prashant Bhushan’s sister, in Noida in between January 11-13, 2013. Yogendra Yadav, Anand Kumar and invitees Prof Arun Kumar and Aseem Shrivastava stressed the need to switch socialism from bureaucratic control to community ownership)
Programme demonstration and scaling:
• Vanangana – $310000
• Arthik Anusandhan Kendra – $176250
• Stichting Hivos – $1400000
• Sahjeevan – $320000

Research and public policy analysis:
• Vikas Sahyog Kendra – $160000
• Society for Promotion of Wastelands Development (SPWD) – $210000
• Foundation for Ecological Security (FES) – $300000
• Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and the Environment – $200000
• Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois – $91844

Advocacy, litigation and reform:
• Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) – $140000
• Centre for People’s Forestry (CPF) – $200000
• Vasundhara – $300000

Network building and convening:
• Samaj Pragati Sahayog (SPS) – $345656

Programme learning:
• Foundation-Administered Project (FAP) – $630000

Communications and public education:
• Sahjeevan – $80000

“Advancing media rights and access”
Research and public policy analysis:
• LIRNEasia – $300000
• Vikas Samvad Samiti – $200000
• Jamia Millia Islamia – $200000
• Centre for Communication and Development Studies – $250000

Evaluation and assessment:
• Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad: $150,000

Capacity building and technical assistance:
• Rural Broadband Pvt Ltd: $350,000
• Indian Institute of Technology Bombay: $530,000
• Society for Development Alternatives: $250,000
• Urban Design Research Institute: $200,000

Stakeholder development and collaboration:
• One World International Foundation: $257,450

“Youth sexuality, reproductive health and rights”
Capacity building and technical assistance:
• Institute of Social Studies Trust: $200,000
• Nirantar: $250,000
• SAMA – Resource Group for Women and Health: $240,000
• Health Institute for Mother and Child – MAMTA: $280,000
• CREA: $440,000
• Sahaj: $200,000

Programme demonstration and scaling:
• Women Power Connect: $250,000
• Asmita Resource Center for Women: $275,000
• HAQ: Centre for Child Rights: $235,000
• Sakhi: $200,000
• Centre for Development and Population Activities (CEDPA): $477,500
• Society for Nutrition, Education and Health Action: $190,000
• Sahayog Society for Participatory Rural Development (SSPRD): $340,000
• Anusandhan Trust: $300,000
• Health Institute for Mother and Child – MAMTA: $335,000

Advocacy, litigation and reform:
• National Foundation for India: $690,000
• Center for Reproductive Rights: $300,000
• South Asia Women’s Fund: $175,000

Communications and public education:
• Centre for Media and Alternative Communication: $200,000

In a report, ‘Can AAP fill political vacuum?’, the reporter quotes the CBGA’s Manzoor Ali who approves of the AAP but urges it to retain only its Leftist leadership while weeding out its right-wing supporters. The CBGA’s treasurer Anil K Singh is also the secretary general of South Asian Network for Social and Agricultural Development (SANSAD) whose links with the international anti-India racket has been talked about in my previous article.
Bhopal-based Yogesh Kumar of the SCDS is also a part of the CBGA.

The ADR finds only 14 per cent of the AAP candidates (up to the seventh phase of the Lok Sabha elections 2014) with criminal charges while full-time activists of the party allege they number in hundreds. Of course, the ADR does not count in its total AAP candidates perceived as anti-nationals by the party workers. More about the ADR finds mention later in this exposition.

Rajmohan Gandhi, whose links with Ghulam Nabi Fai has been disclosed in my previous article, has worked for the CPR. And going against the advice of all administrative experts and economists who rubbished the AAP Government’s free water programme, the CPR vehemently supported it through its policy document, “In defence of free water — beyond the Delhi experiment,” calling it “momentous”, going to the extent of equating Delhi with South Africa. Those who have keenly followed the election speeches of Kejriwal throughout 2013 know that he kept saying, “If water can be distributed free in South Africa, it can be in Delhi as well.” Now you know who gave him the idea. Gandhi has also worked with the University of Illinois, whose board of trustees is another Ford Foundation beneficiary.

Never mind the fact that the South African model is not Government-intensive. It comes with management contract to private operators and is equipped with pre-paid meters. It also stresses on universal access to basic sanitation. And the Central Government’s intervention was phased out following the second white paper released in 2002 on the issue.

Praja’s managing trustee Nitai Mehta says, “(The) AAP has brought good governance to the fore and shown that politicians cannot take the common man lightly,” in an interview to The Times of India. To the same newspaper in another interview, Mehta promotes the AAP’s Mumbai northeast candidate Medha Patkar, “She will make a huge dent in (the NCP’s Sanjay Dina) Patil’s vote bank in the slum areas, where she has championed the cause of the poor.”

The SAHR’s Kamla Bhasin wrote about the AAP in Hindustan Times on January 12: “I am happy that the party did well at the hustings.” However, she was displeased with Kejriwal’s phraseology. She nit-picked thus: “… every sentence he uttered was in the masculine gender.”

John Dayal is a member of this NGO. I have mentioned where he fits into the international anti-India racket in my previous article.

Lawyers Collective’s Indira Jaising, also an additional solicitor general, famously preached something and practiced quite the opposite. In the book, Cause Lawyering: Political Commitments and Professional Responsibilities, edited by Austin Sarat William Nelson, she is quoted as saying, “The main reason why we don’t believe in accepting foreign funding is because we think that groups that do that often end up developing a vested interest in being professionals rather than servicing the community, and they get very alienated from the community for whom they work.” Outlook reported in its September 19, 2011 issue that she had received $1240000 from the Ford Foundation.

Hivos is a recipient of the Ford Foundation’s generous grants. Stichting Hivos, the Netherlands, is also a donor who maintains a full-fledged country office in India, receiving $1.2 million. Hivos happens to be one of the co-financing agencies to the Government of the Netherlands, whose embassy funds Kejriwal and Sisodia’s Kabir.

Hivos co-funds one of the NGOs in our list above — the CCD. It also supports, financially, one of the two Ford Foundation-funded NGOs of IIM Bangalore’s Dean Trilochan Shastri, who also runs ADR. He has also been conferred Breton Woods Committee membership, thanks to the Ford Foundation’s lobbying.

AAP’s Yogendra Yadav has been associated not only with the ICSSR but also with CSDS –both recipients of the Ford Foundation’s grants. Yadav was once a political adviser to Rahul Gandhi too.

SPS’s co-founder Mihir Shah is an NAC member. The ASA, an NGO based at Bhopal, is headed by Ashis Mondal, another NAC member.

The SSPRD is supported by the AID, which we reported to have raised funds for both the IAC and AAP in our previous article, a part of the anti-Indian leftist racket with international reach.

The acronym for Professional Assistance for Development Action is not PADA but PRADAN. That is the AAP’s Mumbai South candidate Meera Sanyal’s NGO working with the Maoists.

Deep Joshi, who conceived the idea of setting up PRADAN, is an NAC member.

Viren Lobo, executive director of the SPWD, is a big-time proponent of the AAP’s free water scheme. His Citizens’ Solidarity — Forum for Water and Sanitation (CS-FWS) passed a resolution last month seeking continuation of the fallen AAP Government’s water agenda.

Some of these NGOs also have Government connections. Every office bearer of the FES, for example, is or has been a Government servant: Amrita Patel, Samar Singh, Nitin Desai, AN Yellappa Reddy, Deepak Tikku, Mahendra Vyas, Sudarshan Iyengar and Usha Thorat. Their curricula vitae contain mention of so many Government posts they held that it would make a separate article. Readers may refer to the FES board of Governors enlisted in its website.

Same is the story of the CPF. Its managing trustee Urmila Pingle was a member of the National Tiger Conservation Authority. Kameswara Rao, a trustee, has held positions in Ministry of Environment and Forests and the Andhra Pradesh State Pollution Control Board.

Not featuring in the list above is the Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA). Its CEO Ela R Bhatt was honoured by the Ford Foundation on May 4, 2011. The NAC’s Mirai Chatterjee comes from the SEWA. She joined the NGO in 1984 and succeeded Bhatt as its general secretary.

Is such overwhelming presence of the Government, NAC and AAP functionaries among the beneficiaries of the Ford Foundation a mere coincidence?

Part 3
AAP part of international anti-India racket – I
(published 18 April)

Section A
To begin with, some political commentators had speculated that one or more larger players must be behind the inexplicable projection of India against Corruption (IaC) and its offshoot, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), in the media and political scene. Then, India News broadcast a story of an American student Shimrit Lee who had met Manish Sisodia before the Jan Lokpal movement was launched. It was found that Egypt had erupted after her visit to that country, too. Third, Ashwini Upadhyay, former head of the AAP’s legal cell, who has known Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia since the inception of their NGOs, revolted on the ground that the party had links with the US’s Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Then journalist-researcher Madhu Kishwar exposed links of Rajmohan Gandhi, the AAP’s paratrooped candidate from the East Delhi Lok Sabha constituency, with terrorists.

Finally a larger network of miscreants, Maoists, Marxists, evangelists, tablighis, terrorists, India bashers and financiers of disruptive activities in this country helping the AAP has surfaced.

To understand how the entire international network works, the personnel connecting one nefarious organisation to another must be studied.
On 19 July 2011, two people of Pakistani origin were arrested in Washington DC. The US Department of Justice records describe one of them, Ghulam Nabi Fai, as an agent of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The New York Times reported that Fai was coordinating between the activities of several ultra-communist groups, Islamist outfits and Christian missionaries in India.

Fai once worked closely with Rajmohan Gandhi, the AAP’s paratrooped candidate from the East Delhi Lok Sabha constituency. Gandhi was one of the prominent signatories to the petition by 53 odd well-networked ‘liberals’ like Ved Bhasin and Gautam Navlakha that defended Fai and demanded his release from the American jail. People already know where sympathies of elements like Bhasin and Navlakha lie.

Kishwar recorded an interview with Sai Lal Jediya, son of a Gandhian freedom fighter late Hira Lal who lived in Panchgani where the headquarters of the AAP candidate’s Moral Re-Armament (MRA), now called Initiatives of Change, are located. The MRA has long been suspected of being a front of the CIA.

Kishwar writes in her website, “Sai Lal has documentary evidence to back up his charges…” She adds Gandhi instigated Hira Lal to foment separatist movements in Nagaland and other border areas of the Northeast. Sai Lal alleges that the MRA headquarters in Panchgani, Maharashtra, are centres of CIA-backed anti-national activities in India, including holding training camps for terrorist groups.

I now go beyond the revelations above to unearth more skeletons in the AAP closet. Fai sought the help of a US resident, anthropologist-activist Angana P Chatterji, who supports the cause of Kashmir’s separation from India, to further his agenda. The California Institute of Integral Studies (CIIS) suspended Chatterji along with her husband Richard Shapiro in July 2011 and dismissed them in December 2011, after it received complaints from students against them. The CIIS Faculty Hearing Board found them guilty of failure to perform academic duties and violation of professional ethics. Shapiro has been declared persona non grata in India for his separatist activities.

Ironically, before Chatterji was expelled, US-based advocacy group Indian Muslim Council (IMC) had given her the Tipu Sultan Award in 2008, and the CIIS celebrated the felicitation. What kind of a profile should one have to get this award? Readers will find mention of two more recipients of this prize in this report later on, from where they may draw their conclusion.

Chatterji happens to be a co-author of the book, Kashmir: The Case for Freedom, whose other authors are Arundhati Roy, Pankaj Mishra, Hilal Bhatt and Tariq Ali.

Fai, Chatterji and Roy are associated with at least one or more of three anti-Indian organisations: The ISI, Indian-American Muslim Council (IAMC) and Progressive South Asians (PROXSA).

The IAMC website gives the notorious Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) a clean chit and projects India as a dangerous place for minorities to live in. The IAMC supports Harsh Mander, who is now a prominent AAP member. It also hosts Harsh Dobhal, managing editor of Combat Law, a Maoist magazine, and secretary of the Independent People’s Tribunal (IPT) that damned India through its “Report of Independent People’s Tribunal on Human Rights Violations in Kashmir” published in 2010. The IPT report was published by the Human Rights Law Network (HRLN) that projects Hindus as a horrible majority population in India that persecutes Muslims, Dalits and Christians.

The HRLN’s agenda is furthered internationally by Germany-based Evangelischer Entwicklungsdienst (EED), Britain-based Christian Aid, Denmark-headquartered DanChurchAid and India-based Church Auxiliary for Social Action (CASA) among other forces that sees India divided along Hindu-Christian lines.

The IAMC often hosts India haters like John Prabhudoss alias PD John, Lise McKean and Raju Rajagopal. PD John or John Prabhudoss is the executive director of the Policy Institute for Religion and State (PIFRAS).

In the 2002 PIFRAS symposium on South Asia, Prabhudoss had, in his opening remarks, compared the conflicts in India to those of the Middle East, Sierra Leone, Central Africa, Kosovo, Chechnya and East Timor, thus equating India with some of the most cruel and violent regions in the world.
Rajiv Malhotra and Aravindan Neelakandan documented Lise McKean’s hatred towards Hindus and India in their book, Breaking India. “Whenever there is unrest in India, she shows up as a commentator to educate American audiences about what is wrong with Indian culture,” they write.

Raju Rajagopal is the president of self-styled Coalition against Communalism. His Hindu-hating articles used to be hosted by the EKTA website, known for promoting subversive elements in the country, till it was active. The trio works with Jesuit priest Cedric Prakash who finds Hindus tormentors of Christians. Rajagopal was the recipient of IAMC’s Bahadur Shah Zafar Award for “promoting pluralism and communal harmony in India” in 2008.

The PROXSA is an umbrella organisation for 300 extremist leftists who are members of more than 20 outfits sporting different fancy names. The most prominent of these outfits are the Alliance for a Secular and Democratic South Asia (ASDSA), Alliance for South Asians Taking Action (ASATA), ASHA for Education, Association of South Asian Progressives (ASAP), Coalition for a Secular and Democratic India (CSDI), Campaign to Stop Funding Hate (CSFH), Centre for Study and Research in South Asia (CERAS), Coalition against Communalism (CaC), EKTA, Forum of Inquilabi Leftists (FOIL, earlier called Federation of Indian Leftists), Foundation for Pluralism (FfP), Friends of South Asia (FOSA), Indian Progressive Study Group of Los Angeles (IPSG-LA), NRIS for Secular and Harmonious India (NRI-SAHI), International South Asia Forum (INSAF), Organising Youth (OY), South Asian Collective (SAC), South Asian Magazine for Action and Reflection (SAMAR), South Asian Network for Secularism and Democracy (SANSAD), South Asian Progressive Action Collective (SAPAC), Supporters of Human Rights in India (SHRI), Voices for Freedom (VfF), Youth Solidarity Summer (YSS) and the Association for India’s Development (AID).

After the collapse of Naxalism in India, some elements of the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) [CPI(ML)] moved to the US and, after a sabbatical, tried to revive the movement in this country, handling it from their American bases. Out of the outfits named above, the FOIL and AID were floated by these people.

The FOIL describes itself as a “clearinghouse for radical Indian activists in the United States, Canada and England”. Its purpose is described by its founders as “some place for us to share information, offer support, and encourage each other to write in the open media on issues pertaining to Indians overseas and India itself, and help build projects that make our radical politics more material”. Two of the FOIL’s co-founders are American Marxist-yet-evangelist Biju Mathew and Marxist historian Vijay Prashad. These are the people behind the propaganda in 2002 that the riots that took place in Gujarat that year were funded by Hindutva groups in America. Prashad happens to be a supporter of the now-failed Arab Revolution. He says Hinduism in its present form is nothing but a mix of Fascism and racism, and that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is personification of such ideology and, therefore, it must be condemned.

Three years before Chatterji, Mathew had received the Tipu Sultan Award for “courageously serving India and India’s interests” from the IMC.
The AID is the other prominent outfit under the PROXSA. It facilitates funding to various leftist extremist outfits by showing the financiers legally valid ways of routing the money. On different pages of the AID website, one finds campaign material for Binayak Sen and Kopa Kunjam, criticism of Salwa Judum, critique of Operation Green Hunt, Land Acquisition Act, Chhattisgarh administration and police etc.

The AID also collects funds for the AAP. On 20 September 2011, The Times of India had reported that “Arvind Kejriwal’s NGO Parivartan was supported by AID in 2008 to pursue the RTI campaign”. A page on the AID website shows it was, in 2011, soliciting money for IaC as well. Another page on the website hosts an article by Prashant Bhushan criticising the government’s version of the then Lokpal Bill.

In quite a few other pages of the website, Kejriwal has been described as “AID Saathi”, including one where the outfit is seen soliciting donations for the AAP. Further, AID sent its volunteers to the AAP to help the party in its campaign for the Delhi Assembly elections.

AID co-hosted an event with the radical Council on American Islamic Relations (CAIR). Communications director and civil rights coordinator of the CAIR, Randall Ismail Royer was arrested and convicted for conspiring with Lashkar-e-Tayyaba to execute terror strikes in India. Royer had earlier pleaded guilty to charges of using and discharging a firearm during — and in relation to — a crime of violence; and with carrying an explosive during commission of a felony. A decade before that, he had joined the Bosnian Forces fighting Serbs in 1994.

Royer was the third person with ties to CAIR’s leadership who has either been convicted, or is under suspicion of aiding militant Islam. Several other CAIR officials have either proven or suspected ties to militant Islam. Bassem K Khafagi has pleaded guilty to charges of visa and bank fraud in federal court in Detroit. Charges were brought against Khafagi for his role with the Islamic Assembly of North America. Khafagi was community affairs director for CAIR at the time of his arrest. On 2 February 1995, Siraj Wahhaj was named as one of the “unindicted persons who may be alleged as co-conspirators” in the attempt to blow up targets in New York. Wahhaj, on CAIR’s advisory board, was described by CAIR as “one of the most respected Muslim leaders in America.”

The most paradoxical ideology of the CAIR involves helping leftist extremists in India but promoting Islam in the US, which it wants to turn into the world headquarters of Islamic movements in this century.

Shockingly, a member of this sinister circle is Sugata Bose, grand nephew of Subhas Chandra Bose, whose acceptance of Government of India’s version of Netaji’s death was proved ill-informed or politically motivated (or both) last year by author Anuj Dhar through the book, “India’s Biggest Cover-Up.”
Bose had co-authored a book, “Modern South Asia: History, Culture and Political Economy’, with Ayesha Jalal, a Pakistani-origin professor of history at the Tufts University in 1998. The book glorified Mughal bigot Aurangzeb as the best ruler India had ever had. Bose, Jalal and Chatterji (associate of Fai and Roy mentioned early in this report) have together, on numerous occasions, issued statements that reflect the Pakistani point of view on Kashmir.
Now we come to another wing of this international mafia. In 1999, Teesta Setalvad and her husband Javed Anand’s magazines Sabrang and Communalism Combat had, through their channels in the Indian National Congress, Communist Party of India (CPI) and Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)], extracted $ 15 million to project the BJP as an anti-minority, anti-woman party. Recently, the couple accepted that they had diverted part of the fund for their NGO for personal use. Some of their witnesses in the cases related to the riots in Gujarat in 2002 have turned hostile and accused the couple of putting words in their mouths via signatures and thumb impressions on affidavits submitted to the court, whose contents were dictated at will by Setalvad.

Finally, let’s see how all these people and their shady organisations are connected to each other. In 2000, Australia-based International Council of Evangelical Churches had instituted the International Award for Religious Harmony in the memory of slain Graham Staines. This award was first given to All India Christian Council’s general secretary John Dayal, known for his Dalit-Christian persecution complex and association with the infamous Dalit Freedom Network.

In 2003, the award went jointly to Setalvad and Admiral Laxminarayan Ramdass. The latter went on to become the AAP’s internal lokpal while almost his whole family was posted in the party’s policy committees.

Kaleem Khwaja of the Association of Indian Muslims in America, infamous for his article, “Brother, can you spare a tear for Taliban,” published by the Milli Gazette, is another recipient of IMC’s Tipu Sultan Award.

Section B
We will now see how the AAP is linked with this international racket. Kejriwal received the Ramon Magsaysay Award after he was promoted by National Advisory Council’s Aruna Roy following citation of his work by the World Bank. Documents of the CIA show its links with the Ford Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation and the Ramon Magsaysay Foundation. The papers show how these foundations financially support intellectuals, students and activists across the world through mutual coordination. Our focus is on the AAP.

The World Bank featured the insignificant work of Parivartan in their report, “Social Accountability Stocktaking Exercise for South and East Asia” [World Bank Institute, Washington DC, 2005, pages 30-32]. Kejriwal was selected for the Ramon Magsaysay Award only after featuring in the World Bank report above. Narayana Murthy, the Infosys chief, is a Trustee of the Ford Foundation. He apparently advocated Kejriwal’s case for the award, as did Aruna Roy.

The CIA’s unusual interest in the AAP is evident in the fact that in 2012, right after the party was registered by the Election Commission of India, the American spy agency released a list of “significant” parties in this country. Every party that featured in the list except the AAP was a recognised party — one that has participated in elections in at least four States of the country and secured 6 per cent of the total votes polled. This, when the AAP was just one month old with no record of participation in elections!

A few years before that, a New York University researcher Shimrit Lee visited Manish Sisodia’s NGO Kabir and prepared a report, “Public Power: India and Other Democracies” (2010). She assisted in Kabir’s campaign for the Right to Information (RTI) and Local Self-Rule. She went on to work actively in Egypt. Is it mere coincidence that, while the IAC launched the Jan Lokpal Movement in India after she left, when she went to Egypt and left that country, it witnessed the Tahrir Square uprising? The Union Home Ministry has no record of Kabir having sought its clearance to host a suspicious researcher who has been active in some countries of the Middle East and Chad in Africa, required as per law of the land.

The Union Home Ministry does not come across as clean in this whole deal either. While Kabir was registered in 2007, Sisodia had got the ministry’s clearance to receive foreign funds in 2005! This is evident from the official papers Upadhyay has unearthed and handed over to this correspondent.
Did the Home Ministry bend the rules for Kabir at the behest of the Congress? If not, what was Kejriwal doing with Sonia Gandhi acolyte Ashish Talwar in Germany in 2005, Upadhyay questions. And why is Talwar now the head of the AAP’s Delhi unit?

The World Bank had committed a similar fishy act in 2002. It funded Kejriwal’s Jan Sunvai activity when his NGO was not even registered. And several of the donors of NGOs of Kejriwal and Sisodia mentioned above went on to adjudicate who would get the Ramon Magsaysay Award for the year 2006!
Kabir received funds from the Ford Foundation (Rs 86,61,742), PRIA (Rs 2,37,035), Manjunath Shanmugam Trust (Rs 3,70,000), Dutch Embassy (Rs 19,61,968), Association for India’s Development (Rs 15,00,000), India’s Friends Association (Rs 7,86,500), United Nationals Development Programme (Rs12,52,742) while Rs 11,35,857 were collected from individual donations between 2007 to 2010.

Ford Foundation India Representative Steven Solnick admitted on 31 August 2012 that Foundation’s last instalment to Kabir was donated in 2010. “Our first grant to the NGO was of $ 1,72,000 in 2005; the second was in 2008 of $ 1,97,000”, he said, adding that the Magsaysay Award for Emergent Leadership was funded by the Ford Foundation.

Lawyer Manohar Lal had filed a PIL in the Delhi High Court — WP (C) 3412/2012 — on 21 May 2012 against the dubious means NGOs employed to receive foreign funds. Following this, Kabir was raided by the Union Home Ministry officials for a suspected violation of Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) on 22 August 2012 after a court order. Following these developments, the Government lawyer submitted to the court that the state could lay its hands only on minor billing discrepancies in Kabir’s account (as well as in the account of an NGO run by Kiran Bedi).

Two months ago, however, the controversy surrounding Kabir resurfaced in newspapers with evidence of Sisodia misappropriating the foreign funds received by Kabir. Moreover, the papers revealed that Kejriwal is a part of Kabir, too.

Kejriwal’s NGO network goes beyond PCRF and Kabir. He also heads Parivartan that claimed it “is not registered under any Act as a society or a trust or a Company. It is a people’s movement. For Income Tax purposes, it is an Association of Persons.” However, it had advertised through various mediums in June 2002 that “all donations made to Parivartan are tax exempt under section 80 G. Parivartan is also registered under section 12A of Income Tax Act.” This is misleading as its present document says, “Parivartan Foundation for Socio Economic Development filed for tax exemption to donors under Section 80G on 10 August, 2009. The permission was granted on January 8, 2010 and was valid for all donations between April 1, 2009 and March 31, 2010. This has been further extended through an order dated March 29, 2011 for all donations from April 1, 2010 to March 31, 2013. The foundation also has clearance under Section 12AA of the Income Tax Act, 1961.”

Kejriwal represented Sampoorna Parivartan, too. The secretary of this NGO worked in the Commission Advisory Committee of the Delhi Electricity Regulatory Commission, which was constituted vide notification F1(135)/DERC/2000-01/5092 Delhi, March 27, 2003. This implies that the responsibility of power rate hike and installation of faulty metres that the AAP has been crying foul about partly lies on people associated with this very political party!
The website of both Parivartan and Kabir were withdrawn when they came under scrutiny in 2012. Even the Ford Foundation hid all the details about funding to Kabir when some blogs revealed their IAC/AAP connection in October 2012.

We can now see the circle complete with the Ramdas family — L Ramdas, wife Lalita Ramdas, daughters Sagari R Ramdas and Kavita N Ramdas — as a vital link between anti-India organisations, Ford Foundation and the AAP. While the admiral was felicitated by evangelists, his daughter Kavita is the India representative of Ford Foundation and married to Zulfiqar Ahmad, a writer and researcher on peace and security issues in South Asia and the Middle East; this vocation gives him an opportunity to hobnob with other ‘South Asia experts’ and activists mentioned in this report. Admiral Ramdas’s wife Lalita Ramdas and the other daughter Sagari Ramdas are in the AAP’s policy committees, too.


Part 4
AAP part of international anti-India racket – II
(published 19 April)

We now come to Medha Patkar, the ubiquitous activist who is known not only for her Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) but also for surfacing in support of agitations happening anywhere in India — from the protest against setting up of the factory to manufacture Tata Nano in Singur, West Bengal, to that against the Government for delaying the enactment of Shanti Bhushan’s draft of Lokpal Bill, named by the self-styled India against Corruption (IAC) as the Jan Lokpal Bill.

Medha Patkar has worked with Angana Chatterji who was named in the first part of this report. The email correspondence between the NBA head and Patrick McCully, former director of the Berkley-based International River Network (IRN), is insidious. When the Supreme Court dismissed NGO National Council for Civil Liberty’s (NCCL’s) PIL on rehabilitation of people allegedly displaced by the Sardar Sarovar project on July 10, 2007, Patkar sent the information to McCully immediately. Two days later, McCully replied, “You have mentioned in your message (email) that Judge Thakkar (CK) is ex-chief justice of Gujarat and anything can happen. How you manage this. What was the second judge?”

The next day, Patkar wrote that McCully had made a mistake in quoting Thakkar as an ex-chief justice of Gujarat. Though he was initially a judge, it was Justice Altamas Kabir who wrote the judgement, Patkar informed her American friend. The mail reads, “…Many eminent persons wrote to the UPA Government. We dealt with the Press selectively and ensured that pressure was kept all through.” She also sent a soft copy of the judgement and the profiles of Justice CK Thakker and Justice Altamas Kabir.

On July 17, McCully congratulated Patkar and suggested that five or six people associated with ‘managing’ the verdict be honoured at a function in London (UK). The mail reads, “…We must honour Judge Kabir for supporting you. Please explore the possibility. He will retire in 2013 — a very useful man for your future battles.”

I do not wish to cast aspersions on the character of Justice (Retd) Kabir, notwithstanding the fact that he was embroiled in an unrelated controversy wherein Gujarat High Court Chief Justice Bhaskar Bhattacharya had complained that the then CJI had blocked his elevation to the Supreme Court because, as a member of the collegium of the Calcutta High Court, he had opposed the appointment of then CJI Kabir’s lawyer sister to the Bench. We are merely reporting the contents of a sinister email exchange. Patkar did mention in an email to McCully, “Along with this, the petitioner’s case was so weak. Its triviality was obvious. Legally it was non-maintainable.” However, the word “manage” in McCully’s email is disturbing as are the following suggestions by him and Patkar’s responses to those.

On July 19, McCully wrote to Patkar again, this time proposing felicitation of advocates and other individuals who supported the NBA in a function to be held in London. On 22 July, Patkar replied, “…Apart from advocates, no one would like to be acknowledged for writing to pressurise (sic) the Government. That might boomerang.”

The international racket’s nefarious act of trying to influence the Indian judiciary was reported by Navin Upadhyay in The Pioneer on September 10, 2007. “Senior Congress leader Urmilaben Patel and Ratilal K Verma of the BJP, both MPs, have submitted identical evidence to the Prime Minister to establish that Patkar was in touch with a foreign agency, who wanted to oblige even a judge of the Supreme Court after he, along with another judge, dismissed a PIL against NBA. The PIL was filed by the National Council for Civil Liberties, a Gujarat-based NGO alleging that NBA was engaged in anti-national activities,” Upadhyay reported.

How are McCully and Chatterji connected? In an April 2004 Press release issued by the AID, whose whereabouts are described in the first part of this report titled, “International activists to fast in front of World Bank headquarters during annual meeting to demand end to forced displacement,” Chatterji along with two foreign activists mentions McCully’s name among the demonstrators. An activist named in the list is David Pellow. This man authored a book, Resisting Global Toxics, where he acknowledged both McCully and Chatterji to be in his “network”. Further, Chatterji features on the board of the IRN.

And making this racket completely political, the AID supports the NBA on the one hand and it supplied volunteers to the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) for the Delhi Assembly election and collected funds for it on the other, appealing to the people using a photograph and name of Arvind Kejriwal as an “AID Saathi”.

That the AID works under the ultra-leftist PROXSA umbrella was mentioned in the first part of the network. Two other groups attached to this network are ASHA and India Literacy Project. To pass itself off as innocent, it also maintains relations with mainstream communist organisations like the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)] and its wings — the All India Democractic Women’s Association (AIDWA) and Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI). In 2005, journalist Amit Varma, writing an article in Rediff, praised AID’s work and marked that “(the) DYFI suffers from the drawback of not having a high profile and, consequently, having rather low funds. But (the) AID takes care of that.”

In the “50 Block Plan” for Tamil Nadu that the AID sponsors, it asserts how communism must be promoted in the State, thus: “As a policy, encourage libraries only where linked to such an activity or to an active TNSF/AIDWA/DYFI/PWA group or activist.” TNSF means Tamil Nadu Science Forum; PWA stands for the Progressive Writers’ Association — both are communist groups.

AID leader Balaji Sampath identifies himself as a communist and also explains the communist ideology of TNSF, an organisation funded by AID, thus: “The ideas of power, politics, hegemony, social consciousness, how people think, struggle, Marxist analysis techniques, etc that I have learnt are now a part of me.” In the TNSF’s document explaining its ideology, Sampath writes, “(In the period August 1997 – August 1999) I was working primarily with two organisations — AID & AID-India and CERD & TNSF and to a much smaller degree with Asha and a few other NGOs. I was supported financially by an AID Fellowship from May 1998 – August 1999 @ Rs 4000/month (sic). The fellowship also provided money for travel, and project-related expenses (final accounts to be submitted). Reimbursements for expenses on CERD work were supported by CERD.”

CERD is the Government of Kerala’s Centre for Engineering Research and Development. This shows communist penetration in the country’s state machinery.

If the Government is not a player in this racket, it must explain why Kejriwal was never transferred outside Delhi — a unique track record for any income tax professional. And if the AAP’s claim that it is not a pawn in the hands of the Congress is to be believed, it must explain why so many of its decision makers had links with the first family of India’s oldest party in advisory capacity. Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia both assisted Aruna Roy when she headed the National Advisory Council (NAC). Yogendra Yadav was once a political adviser to Rahul Gandhi. He had worked with the NAC too — for the Right to Education Act. Yadav was funded by the ICSSR of the Jawaharlal University that received $350,000 from the Ford Foundation. Sanjay Singh was an acolyte of Amar Singh when the latter was a prominent member of the Samajwadi Party (SP). Sources say Sanjay Singh was used as a mediator whenever the SP rocked the UPA boat, threatening to pull out of the coalition. Prashant Bhushan was, in April 2012, named as a preferred mediator by Maoists when the Government of Chhattisgarh offered to hold talks with them. While rejecting the offer, the lawyer — and then eminent member of IAC — did say that the demands of the Maoists were justified. Shazia Ilmi belongs to a Kanpur-based family that is, except her, entirely in the Congress. When her family fell out with her over some property dispute, one of her brothers released details of her trying to secure some position in the Congress, along with her photographs with then Chief Minister of Delhi Sheila Dikshit. The photograph predates the Jan Lokpal Movement. Harsh Mander, another sympathiser of Guru, was a member of the NAC, too.

The AAP must also explain its communist links as Kejriwal insists his party is neither Leftist nor Rightist. It is believed the party’s Lok Sabha candidate from South Mumbai, Meera Sanyal, made a lateral entry from the banking sector. Let it be known that her NGO, Pradaan, works in Maoism-affected regions of the country.

Gopal Rai owes an explanation to me, too. He had told activists like us that his partial paralysis was caused by a bullet injury that he had suffered at the hands of “student mafia” in Lucknow University as he was leading a movement to relieve the campus of such elements. That’s a lie that we had credulously believed in. We used to introduce him to sundry audience across Delhi with this story that we didn’t know was concocted. His former colleagues in the AISA — All India Students Association, student wing of the CPI(ML) — have revealed to this correspondent that he fought over contracts for bicycle and motorcycle stands in the campus. He was shot at during a showdown with a rival students’ gang.

The cases against Gopal Rai that have nothing to do with any political movement, are registered under IPC Sections 147, 148, 427 and 506 in case 336/97, at the Hasangarh district police station of Lucknow, dated November 6, 1998 and January 1, 1999. The cases are being heard at the Additional Chief Judicial Magistrate Court of Lucknow. Sec 147 refers to rioting; Sec 148 is rioting while armed with deadly weapons; Sec 427 slapped on him is for mischief causing damage to the amount of Rs 50, and Sec 506 applies to criminal intimidation. The combination of these IPC Sections actually shows this man is both petty and dangerous.

Back to the AID, let’s study its further Indian political links now. One knows Bhushan as well as the former boss of Kejriwal and Sisodia, Aruna Roy, has petitioned against the hanging of Ajmal Qasab, convicted for the November 26-28, 2008 terrorist attack on Mumbai, and Afzal Guru, convicted for the 2001 attack on Parliament. The AID campaigned for these terrorists, too.

Furthermore, there is a character called Feroz Mehdi who links various communist organisations to the AID. He has been secretary-general of the South Asia Program and Alternatives International since 2007. He is one of the founding members of the Alternatives International (AI), who has been working largely on projects related to South Asia in Quebec and the rest of Canada by way of organizing conferences and publishing newsletters and other analytical documents. The AI has nine member organisations from Canada, France, Brazil, Israel, Palestine, South Africa, Niger, India and Morocco. In 2005, Feroz Mehdi, writing for the AI while on a tour of areas hit with the tsunami, described a meeting with the director of AID India MA Devdas. He elaborated on the strategic partnership between various communist organisations and AID as: “The groups associated with the CPM and the All India Peoples Science Movement have reached a strategic alliance with AID by implementing relief measures and taking up mid and long-term rehabilitation work. While the material purchase and construction is done by AID, the human power is provided by over a thousand volunteers of the AIPSN [All India Peoples Science Movement], SFI (Student Federation of India), DYFI (Democratic Youth Federation of India), AIDWA (All India Democratic Women’s Association) and TNSF [Tamil Nadu Science Forum] itself.”

Interestingly, the website of the extremist CPI (ML) was registered under the AI with the address as 3680, Rue Jeanne-Meance, Montreal, Quebec, H2X 2K5, CA.

The AID’s links with FOIL and FOSA have already been written about in the first part of this investigative account. That is where the international sponsor of the AAP stands. The AAP, on its part, is suspected to have got money also from one or more American citizens through awaaz.org that was found involved in agitations in Syria, Egypt, Libya and Tunisia as well.

The AAP’s founding members, like this correspondent, who did not make it to its decision-making bodies such as its national executive and political affairs committee (PAC), wondered for long why these positions were kept out of bounds for nationalists while they were filled to the brim by communists and socialists. Now the perspective is clear. When this correspondent sought an explanation from Kejriwal about the leftist skew in the PAC over the breakfast at his residence in the last week of November 2012, wanting to know why positions in the AAP did not reflect his assurance that his party would accommodate activists of all ideologies, he said, “Politics men jo dikhta hai, hamesha woh hota nahin hai. Kuchh bolna padta hai, kuchh aur karna padta hai (in politics, what appears need not have actually transpired; I have to say something but do something else).”

I understand now, Mr Kejriwal. An organisation dancing to the tunes of an international Leftist racket that wishes to destabilise India cannot afford to have Right-of-Centre thinkers and activists among its policy makers. Of course, such a report is not likely to figure in the mainstream media that is in a vice-like grip of former members of the CPI(M), beneficiaries of Indira and Rajiv Gandhi Governments, journalists exposed by the infamous Radia Tapes and, most importantly, former employers of Sisodia, Ilmi, Yadav, the post-Delhi poll entrant in the AAP — Ashutosh and a journalist who found Kejriwal pretending to be a follower of Bhagat Singh “bahut krantikari” (extremely revolutionary).

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